Venezuela - back from "Media and Freedom" tour to Caracas

After returning recently from a "Media and Freedom" Reality Tour to Venezuela organized by Global Exchange, I have a better appreciation of the difficulties faced by Venezuelan people. Since I am learning the history and dynamics of Venezuela, the goal of this tour was to grasp the obstacles and accomplishments Venezuelans experience in their attempt to solve socio-economic problems.

The Reality Tour consisted of 12 North Americans and one South African. The group included teachers in elementary schools, high schools and universities, along with media workers -- one for Free Speech TV channel and another for an alternative weekly Milwaukee newspaper. Others in the group were community activists and artists. Many in the group had traveled to various parts of Latin America - Chiapas, Oaxaca, Colombia, Argentina, Peru, Chile, Brazil, Nicaragua and Cuba. The combination of professional backgrounds and Latin American experience generated thoughtful discussions at each of the meetings we had with 15 different community groups, media outlets or individuals. The tour guides -- Leo Lameda and Yeiber Cano -- provided humor, translation, but, most of all, represented the youthful spirit of Venezuela.

Questions about Freedom of Speech

We met with a cross-section of media groups in Venezuela, ranging from large private opposition media such as El Nacional newspaper and RCTV to the smaller Tal Cual newspaper and the journalists' association, SNTP. We visited community radio and TV stations, some that started many years ago with a tradition of resistance to repression under past governments. These community stations include: Radio Negro Primero based in the Pinto Salinas barrio, Pernal Radio in the Caricuao neighborhood of 23 de Enero barrio, Calle y Media collective in the La Vega barrio and Catia TV. We met representatives of public-funded ViveTV station and opposition political party Primero Justicia. Along the way we also met with the New York Times reporter Simon Romero, Venezuelan-American Eva Golinger, author of The Chavez Code and venezuelanalysis.com editor Greg Wilpert,.

The tour group heard representatives of the journalists' association and the opposition newspaper Tal Cual explain government pressure on a few journalists, indicating some restraints on the freedom of speech, yet we toured huge facilities for RCTV and El Nacional, which moved into a completely refurbished building with state-of-the-art office space and equipment. Private media outlets complain about pressure on speech, yet many were enthusiastic advocates of the 2002 coup, maintain virulent anti-government editorials and occupy the best facilities available. If nothing else, the anti-government editorials in private media indicate a lively freedom of speech.


Private media outlets by some accounts represent the vast majority of airwaves and newsprint, but now many community radio and TV stations are receiving public funding. This support allows these stations to develop programs reflecting community issues typically excluded from the media. A significant number of community media outlets have opened up to many Venezuelans. Despite some claims of pressure on private media, "there is a very active media -- radio, TV, press, plus new media created by the state," as Gregorio Salazar stated during our meeting with the general-secretary of SNTP. Wilfredo (photo: second from left) with CatiaTV, punctuated the role of community TV as the “voice and image of the people – there is no limit to who can be involved.”

Contradictions Abound

Each community, media and political group spoke openly about problems most North Americans may not know about, such as elevated levels of violence and delinquency.

Each topic we explored, uncovered some element that seemed to contradict the promise of tremendous social transformation. In many cases, community leaders and media activists were outspoken about problems despite significant social gains. For instance, Carlos Lugo with Radio Negro Primero, a coordinator for the hard-working community radio station, shared how the station has 50 programs documenting advances in many sectors of the community -- schools, health clinics and cooperatives -- and has developed youth programs and workshops. They are involved in the neighborhood community council, yet explained how drug problems led to the deaths of two members of the neighborhood recently. Thus, despite organizing community members, they are confronted with drug traffickers working "48 hours a day," as Lugo expressed how sitting down with gangs was "not an easy job" yet was necessary to protect their neighborhood.

In The Chavez Code, Eva Golinger documents that opposition political party Primero Justicia recently received funds from the National Endowment for Democracy, a US organization that coordinated opposition to the Sandinista government during its early years in the 1980's, funded opposition to the Venezuelan government before the 2002 coup d'etat and fueled the crippling lockout of the oil industry later that year. Despite these claims, Primero Justicia representatives complemented the success of community organizers in the barrios.

On the topic of Venezuela's dependence on oil as a source for social spending, Marcus, one of representatives of Primero Justicia said "if we privatize the oil company, we're lost." This shows another contradiction among Venezuelan groups, namely, despite significant political differences these groups agree that oil revenue is the foundation for maintaining social programs.

Improvements in Education and Health Care


During our meetings with 23 de Enero and La Vega barrio representatives, they shared results of social programs, such as Mission Robinson, Mission Ribas and Mission Barrio Adentro in the areas of adult literacy and health care. Thousands of schools have been built through the education programs and 1.5 million have learned to read and write through the adult literacy program. We saw new or reconditioned schools in several neighborhoods, "Mercals" providing food at subsidized prices and octagonal-shaped community medical clinics (see photo) offering free health services. Neighborhood residents have organized community theater, hydroponic gardens and community radio, along with building essential services.

Basic services have improved through community organizing that pre-dates Chavez’ 1998 rise to power. But now with government support, Venezuelans have formed thousands of private cooperatives and community councils to address the crucial problems facing their neighborhoods.

Mainstream media in Venezuela has taken the place of opposition political parties, while a majority of Venezuelans live in poverty. The story of their lives and accomplishments is rarely captured in news reports; it's simply not “news” that sells newspapers. Representatives of one of the largest national Venezuelan newspapers, El Nacional, made this clear by publishing only a single weekly "community report."

In the past, barrio struggles and accomplishments happened quietly and unreported. Now community media, like Calle y Media, based in the La Vega barrio, produce videos documenting the success of pressure on the mayor's office to improve services, such as the show “Profiles of La Vega: Memories of My Barrio.”

Keep in mind the strongest supporters of Chavez and the ongoing social/econcomic transformation are from the barrios.

Democracy Through Participation

Despite significant progress in developing cooperative enterprises that empower groups, some people are critical of obstacles facing cooperatives. Alberto Garcia Muller, an attorney and law professor at the University of the Andes in Merida, Venezuela, points out "there is a constant presence of a suffocating state bureaucracy that hinders, complicates, raises the costs and slows down the efficient operation of the cooperatives." Members of Calle y Media confirmed this bureaucracy during efforts to petition the government to build an arts center.

Marcello, one of the group’s organizers, mentioned that the mayor’s office was interested in the arts center, “but the requirements they asked to carry on the project are impossible to fulfill, like land, property, then for documents. And every time we present the papers they ask for other papers. Despite the good will of some people in the government, the structure is made to make it more difficult for us.”

Government bureaucracy is now confronted with the new Communal Councils Law passed in April 2006. This law allows neighborhoods with an average of 250 families to organize a communal council. The purpose of a council is provide a grassroots organization to develop projects funded by the government. Each council must elect coordinators and form committees such as health, education and recreation. The committees improve participation from residents and help develop projects focusing on neighborhood problems.

We met Carlos, one of the coordinators of a well-organized community council in Los Caricas neighborhood. The council started up in August 2006. Carlos said, “the hardest part was starting. People did not know what a community council was, so we started knocking on doors.” Eventually they registered enough residents for the council. He mentioned the council submitted several projects for government funding: waterproof the roofs of the high-rise resident buildings, and update the electrical wiring and elevators in the 35-year old buildings. There are now some 16,000 councils throughout Venezuela.

No one can accuse Venezuelans of bashfulness...

During this brief trip we heard a wide range of Venezuelans patiently yet tenaciously express their views. Every meeting we had with community and media groups lasted two hours, and each was cut short so the group could keep on our busy schedule. Venezuelans love to talk and they love coffee, which is available everywhere in Venezuela -- at restaurants, sold on the streets and sold in between lanes during grid-lock rush hour traffic. Perhaps coffee and talking for Venezuelans is related!

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Comments

Anonymous said…
Well written article.

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